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By Micheal Clodfelter

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Extra resources for A statistical history of the Korean war 1950–1953

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Foucault explains that the political and material significance of these discourses derived from their function to prophesize the future. In so doing, such a discourse “not only announced what was going to happen but helped to make it happen, carrying men’s minds along with it and thus weaving itself into the fabric of destiny” (112). Similarly, Silverstein (2003) notes that by invoking particular “futurities” in his Gettysburg Address, President Lincoln encouraged the audience to support his policies by assuring them that they could effect political and social change by “being dedicated to joining Lincoln in the ‘we’ who will bring about actual futurities” (61).

S. S. is in the present state of being threatened: (11) America is now threatened less by conquering states than by failing ones (6). S. S. will:... prevent our enemies from threatening us, our allies, and our friends with weapons of mass destruction (6–7). S. or our allies and friends (21). S. military action. That is, the nominalized form highlights the present-  Patricia L. Dunmire ness of “threaten” and suppresses its future as-yet-to-be-realized dimension, thereby rendering the threat as imminent.

According to Edelman, such expectations generally concern social status and “security from perceived threats” (8). By projecting representations of such expectations of the future, political actors are able to influence people’s interpretation and perception of “ambiguous current facts” in ways that typically serve the political actor’s goals (8). As such, Edelman contends that an adequate explanation of political behavior must focus on “creation and change in common meanings through symbolic apprehension in groups of peoples’ interests, pressures, threats, and possibilities (2; emphasis added).

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A statistical history of the Korean war 1950–1953 by Micheal Clodfelter


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